El-Fogaha text IV

Yənn-ás yáy-s: s-man affə́ɣəɣ.
Her son (who was about to be born) said to her (his mother): Where shall I come out?

  • Yənn-ás pf. 3sg.m. ‘to say’ + 3sg.IO
  • yáy-s ‘son’ + 3sg. kinship possessive suffix.
  • s- ‘from’
  • man ‘where’
  • affə́ɣəɣ ‘to come out’ fut.1sg.

Tənn-ás əmmí-s: ə́ffəɣ s-ɣur əlfarəž-ə́nnu.
His mother said to him: Come out of my vulva.

  • Tənn-ás pf. 3sg.f. ‘to say’ + 3sg.IO
  • əmmí-s ‘mother’ + 3sg. kinship possessive suffix.
  • ə́ffəɣ ‘to come out’ imp. sg.
  •  əlfarəž-ə́nnu ‘vulva’ + 1sg. possessive suffix. < Ar. farž ‘opening, vulva’

Yənn-ás: dág-əs išəršén.
He said to her: In that there’s urine!

  • dág-əs ‘in’ + 3sg. prepositional suffix.
  • išəršén ‘urine’

Yənn-ás marrát tayə́ḍ: s-man affə́ɣəɣ.
He said to her another time: Where shall I come out?

  • marrát ‘time’
  • tayə́ḍ ‘other’ f.sg.

Tənn-ás: ə́ffəɣ s-ɣur əlgafá-nnu.
She said to him: Come out fo my backside

  • s-ɣur ‘from’
  • əlgafá-nnu ‘backside’ + 1sg. possessive suffix < Ar. qafāʔ ‘neck, back of the neck’, here the meaning of ‘back of the neck’ has expanded to ‘back’, which is used in a similar euphemistic sense as English ‘backside’

Yənn-ás: dág-əs íẓẓan.
He said to her: In that there’s faeces!

  •  íẓẓan ‘faeces’

Tənn-ás: ə́ffəɣ.
She said to him: come out!

Yənn-ás: s-man affə́ɣəɣ.
He said to her: Where shall I come out?

Tənn-ás: ə́ffəɣ s-ɣur tməzzuɣín-nu.
She said to him: Come out of my ears!

  • tməzzuɣín-nu ‘ears’ + 1sg. possessive suffix.

Yənn-ás: dág-snət əlwə́səx.
He said to her: In those there’s filth!

  • dág-snət ‘in’ + 3pl.f. prepositional suffix
  • əlwə́səx ‘filth’ < Ar. wasax ‘filth’

Tənn-ás: ə́ffəɣ s-ɣur ṭṭawə́n-nu.
She said to him: come out of my eyes!

  • ṭṭawə́n-nu ‘eyes’ + 1sg. possessive suffix.

Yənn-ás: dag-ə́snət ə́ddmuʕ.
He said to her: In those there’s tears!

  • ə́ddmuʕ ‘tears’ < Ar. dumūʕ ‘tears’

Tənn-ás: ə́ffəɣ s-ɣur amí-nnu.
She said to him: Come out of my mouth!

  • amí-nnu ‘mouth’ + 1sg. possessive suffix

Yənn-ás: amí-nnəm dág-əs skúttu.
He said to her: In your mouth there is spit!

  • amí-nnəm ‘mouth’ + 2sg.f. psosessive suffix
  • skúttu ‘spit’

Yənn-ás: s-ɣur man affə́ɣəɣ.
He said to her: Where shall I come out?

  • Notice the free variation here betwee s-man ‘from where?’ and s-ɣur man ‘from where?’, a similar free variation between s- ‘from’ and s-ɣar ‘from’ is observed in Aujili. s-ɣur is a compound preposition that consists of s- ‘from’ and ɣur ‘towards, at’, the dative preposition i has almost completely supplanted ɣur as the locative preposition in Fogahi.

Tənn-ás: əffə́ɣ s-ɣur ṣəṛṛət-ə́nnu.
She said to him: Come out of my navel!

  •  ṣəṛṛət-ə́nnu ‘navel’ + 1sg. possessive suffix < Ar. surra ‘navel’,  spread of emphasis from ṛ to initial emphatic ṣ.

Yuḥádda ṣəṛṛət-ə́nnas əd yəffə́ɣ.
He pushed against her navel and he came out.

  • Yuḥádda ‘to push’ pf.3sg.m.  < Ar. ḥadā ‘to urge, spur on, egg on’, stem II derivation.
  • ṣəṛṛət-ə́nnas ‘navel’ + 3sg. possessive suffix
  • əd ‘and’, in most Berber languages this particle is only used to coordinate noun phrases, here it is used to coordinate two verb phrases.

Tuwáy-t d yuɣár díd-sen abí-s i-səqqá-nsən.
And she took him and his father went with them to their house.

  • Tuwáy-t ‘to take’ pf.3sg.f. + 3sg.m.DO
  • yuɣár ‘to go, leave’ pf.3sg.m., this verb means ‘to get lost’ in Aujila, and does not seem to be attested in any other Berber language.
  • díd-sen ‘with’ + 3pl.m. prepositional suffix
  • abí-s ‘father’ + 3sg. posessive suffix
  • i- ‘to’
  • səqqá-nsən ‘house’ + 3pl.m. possessive suffix

Ɣur-sen ə́snət n tməẓẓáyin.
They had two daughters.

  • Ɣur-sen ‘towards, at’ used as a possessive construction + 3pl.m. prepositional suffix
  • ə́snət ‘two’ f.
  • tməẓẓáyin ‘daughters’

Máni uṣə́lən ənnán-as: ə́ɣrəs aɣíd.
When they had arrived, they said to him (the baby): “slaughter a kid (goat)!”

  • Máni ‘when’
  • uṣə́lən ‘to arrive’ pf.3pl.m.
  • ənnán-as ‘to say’ pf.3pl.m. + 3sg.IO
  • ə́ɣrəs ‘to slaughter’ imp.sg.
  • aɣíd ‘kid (goat)’

D itáni əṭṭə́sən, yəɣrə́s tməẓẓáyin.
And they (went to) sleep, and he slauhghtered the girls

  • itáni ‘they’
  • əṭṭə́sən ‘to sleep’ pf.3pl.m.
  • yəɣrə́s ‘to slaughter’ pf.3sg.m.

Təkkə́r əmmí-s d abí-s əkkə́rən sɣúyən.
His mother and his father got up, and they started to cry.

  • Təkkə́r ‘to get up’ pf.3sg.f.
  • əkkə́rən ‘to get up’ pf.3pl.m., used as an inchoative auxiliary.
  • sɣúyən ‘to cry’ pf.3pl.m.

Yənn-ásən: tənnam-íd: ə́ɣrəs aɣíd.
He said to them: you had told me: “Slaughter a kid (goat)”

  • Yənn-ásən ‘to say’ pf.3sg.m. + 3pl.m.IO
  • tənnam-íd ‘to say’ pf.2pl.m. + 1sg.IO

Nə́kki ɣúr-i əkkúl aɣíd, ɣrəsə́x-tnət.
Every kid (goat) that I have, I slaughtered them.

  • Nə́kki ‘I’
  • ɣúr-i ‘to, towards’ + 1sg. prepositional suffix
  • əkkúl ‘every’ < Ar. al-kull ‘each, every’, with irregular assimilation of l to k.
  • ɣrəsə́x-tnət ‘to slaughter’ pf.1sg. + 3pl.f.DO

əggán ksúm d uɣə́rən.
They left the meat (of the girls) and the went (away).

  • əggán ‘to leave behind, let go’ pf.3pl.m.
  • ksúm ‘meat’
  • uɣə́rən ‘to go, leave’ pf.3pl.m.

Wayə́nd məktár d uɣə́rən itáni ddíd-əs.
They took a donkey and they left with with him (the baby).

  • Wayə́nd ‘to take’ pf.3pl.m. with the directional suffix -d which is no longer productive in Fogahi.
  • məktár ‘donkey’
  • ddíd-əs ‘with’ + 3sg. prepositional suffix

Wə́nən itáni əddíd-əs xaf məktár.
They mounted the donkey with him.

  • Wə́nən ‘to mount’ pf.3pl.m.
  • xaf ‘on’

Yənḍə́r abí-s d əmmí-s s-ɣur məktár d yuɣə́r.
(The baby) threw his mother and his father off the donkey and left.

  • Yənḍə́r ‘to throw’ pf.3sg.m.

Tə́mmat əmmí-s tṣə́yyəḥ d tənná gábəl atəmmút: bu-ṣə́ṛṛa ma dar bíya, bu-ṣə́ṛṛa yənɣ-íd təməẓẓay-ə́nnu.
His mother started to cry and before she died she said: Bu-Serra how many things have you done to me, Bu Serra has killed my daughters.

  • Tə́mmat ‘she started to’ a Libyan Arabic auxiliary verb that is followed by an imperfective. (p.c. Benkato)
  • tṣə́yyəḥ ‘to cry’ impf.3sg.f. < Ar. ṣāḥa ‘to cry’
  • gábəl ‘before’, a temporal adverb that is followed by a future.
  • atəmmút ‘to die’ fut.3sg.f.
  • bu-ṣə́ṛṛa a name, the bu is a common Berber nominalizing suffix which means something like ‘the man with, or characterized by’ therefore bu-ṣə́rra  means: ‘navelman’.
  • ma dar bíya code-switch to Arabic: ‘what has he done to me?’
  • yənɣ-íd ‘to kill’ pf.3sg.m. + 1sg.IO
  • təməẓẓay-ə́nnu ‘daughters’ + 1sg. possessive suffix.

Bəʕədén təmmút d yəmmút abí-s
Then she did and his father died (too).

  • Bəʕədén ‘then’ < Ar. baʕda an ‘then, afterwards’
  • təmmút ‘to die’ pf.3sg.f.
  • yəmmút ‘to die’ pf.3sg.m.

Awjila Songs IV

Jā rijù lû rāit Bālǧu / Gān laḥbûb imriĵét

Phonetic: ya irìw lú rayt Balžu / Gan ləḥbùb əmriyìt

‘O child, if you could only see Balzhu / There the dates are so beautiful’

  • ya irìw Arabic vocative particle + Aujila word for child, or son.
  • lú rayt a codeswitch to Arabic, this construction is a very common poetic expression ‘if you could only see’
  • Balžu a date palm plantation near Aujila.
  • gan  locative adverb ‘there’
  • ləḥbùb ‘dates’, plural of əlḥəbb, an unusual loan from Arabic. This is the usual term for ‘edible date’ in Aujila, but the original Arabic word rather means ‘seed’ or ‘grain’.
  • əmriyìt pl. of the stative verb mri ‘to be beautiful’

Awjila Songs III

ġillîḫ kìra šaīnāt / ‘ali simeḥ diwîs uāmmi.

Phonetic: ġəllìx kìra šaynat / ʕəli səməḥ d iwì-s n ammi

I don’t want the ugly ones, (but I want) My handsome cousin Ali, who is the son of my uncle.

  • ġəllìx pf. 1sg. ‘to want’
  • kìra apparantly the negative particle. Surprisingly not -kra as in Text 1, nor ká as in Paradisi.
  • šaynat < ELA šeynāt ‘ugly ones’ (p.c. Benkato)
  • ʕəli Personal Name
  • səməḥ < ELA simiḥ ‘handsome’ (p.c. Benkato)
  • d predicate marker
  • iwi-s ‘son’ with the 3sg. kinship suffix.
  • n genitive particle, written as u in Zanon’s original text, the handwritten u was probably mistaken for n when set into type. Cursively written u and n can be quite close.
  • ammi ‘uncle’ < Ar. ʕamm-ī ‘my uncle’

The construction iwì-s n ammi ‘son of my uncle’ is reminiscent of Song II which had the construction wullì-s n ʕə̀mma ‘the daughter of my aunt’.

An early source of Awjila Berber words

Recently, I found a reference to a short letter by Moritz von Beurmann in which he describes 10 Aujili words. The interpretation of the data is difficult; Both the account of some of the words is surprising, and the transcription leaves much to be desired. Since this letter was published in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gezellschaft in 1862, it means we can freely access it. Below follows a list of the ten words recorded by von Beurmann, with an analysis, and comparison to the forms that we find in Paradisi.

  • tignani ‘head’, by far the most interesting lexical item, as it is completely unknown in other sources. The usual word for ‘head’ according to Paradisi, and even Müller is tgîli. The Aujila word attested in Paradisi is unusual, as it does not have any connection with other Berber languages. Berber languages usually have a form iɣf. The word tignani like tgîli has no cognates in other Berber languages.
  • schahr, suf ‘hair’, as the editor points out, these words must be Arabic loanwords šaʕr ‘hair’ and ṣūf ‘wool’. Both words have original Berber words in Paradisi (aževû, tāft), and one wonders if Beurmann didn’t accidentally enquire about these words to an Arab speaking person, rather than an Aujili speaker.
  • fuss, fussum ‘hand’, this word is attested in Paradisi as afùs ‘hand’. It seems that von Beurmann interpreted the initial a as a separate word, and has not included it in his transcription. One wonders where the fussum form comes from. Most likely, it is the plural físsen.
  • imin ‘water’, a famous Aujili word also attested in Paradisi: imîn. Aujili appears to be the only Berber language that doesn’t have aman for ‘water’.
  • itfukt ‘sun’, a surprising word, not because it looks un-Berber, but because it looks un-Aujili. Forms similar to this noun are found in Many Berber languages, for example Tuareg təfukk (< *təfukt), and Zng. toʔf̣(f̣)ukt. But, unlike most other Berber languages, in Paradisi’s account of the language, we find tāfût, with the consonant k missing. It is difficult to interpret these two contradictory accounts. Perhaps von Beurmann recorded the form before the k was lost, something not completely unlikely, as the word was recorded almost a hundred years prior to Paradisi’s publication.
  • funas ‘cattle’, this is clearly the same as Paradisi’s afunâs ‘ox’, once again the initial a was removed.
  • logum ‘mountain’, the editor notes that von Beurmann originally wrote a small Arabic letter Ghayn on top of the g to indicate that this word should be read as loɣum. Which, certainly is not likely to mean mountain. As you can see in von Beurmann’s overview, the usual word for ‘Mountain’ in Berber is adrar. This word rather looks like Paradisi’s alóġom ‘camel’. This teaches us something interesting about the way von Beurmann collected his data. He clearly did not have a language in common with his informant, so instead, he drew pictures of the thing he was inquiring about. So he drew the picture of a mountain, seen from the side, his informant then recognized this shape as the hump of a camel, and promptly gave him the word alóġom.
  • tina ‘date’, this word for Data is unattested in Aujila, but widely known in Berber, but this form is very surprising. From Ghadamès taβēnawt ‘date tree’ and Tuareg tehăyne ‘date’ we know that this word contains a as its first root consonant. This root consonant is always reflected in Aujila as v, but in this word, it is absent.
  • lachbub ‘dried dates’, this word is also attested in Paradisi lḥabb pl. laḥbûb, it is in fact a loanword from Arabic ḥabb pl. ḥubūb ‘grains; seed’, which underwent a rather radical change in meaning.